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POSITION 



ASh 



DUTIES OF THE NOKTH 



REGARD TO SLAVERY. 



BY ANDREW P. PEABODY. 



Be-printed from the Christian Examiner for July, 1843. 



NEWBURYPORT : CHARLES WHIPPLE 

ABEL WHiWON, PRINTER. 
1847. 



POSITION 



AND 



DUTIES OF THE NORTH 



WITH 



REGAKD TO SLAVERY. 



BY ANDREW P. PEABODY. 

i\ 

Eeprinted from tlie Christian Examiner of July, 1843. 



NEWBURYPORT : 

CHARLES WHIPPLE. 
1847. 



T36 



73837 



ABEL WHITTON, PRINTER, 

CORNER OF STATE AND MIDDLE STREETS, 
NEWBURYPORT. 



^'*^'^% 






•S-A 



.- ; 



POSITION AND DUTIES OF THE NORTH WITH 
EEGAED TO SLAVERY. 



It has been common, both at the South and the North, to deny 
not only the duty, but the right of Northern men to discuss the 
subject of slavery. The attempt has been made to draw around 
the Africans in bondage a line of cncumvallation, which philan- 
thropy, sympathy, nay, not even calm, dispassionate investigation 
can cross with impunity. This line, however, we cannot hold 
sacred. For the Africans are within the pale of human brother- 
hood, which Christianity has marked for us ; and the fact, that 
they are pai-t and parcel of our own body politic, certainly cannot 
render them less our brethren. Nor, on the other hand, can the 
fact, that they belong to States which wield some of the attributes 
of independent sovereignty, rightfully exclude them from oui' 
sjTnpathy, unless we have been wrong in sympathizing with thp 
Greeks and Poles, and with the Asiatic tributaries of Great Britain, 
with whose oppressors we surely have as little political connection 
as with the Southern States of our own Confederacy. Is it said 
that the Constitution and laws of the Union preclude our action in 
the premises, and therefore should suppress our sympathy, or at 
least the free utterance of it ? We deny that the Constitution or 
fundamental laws of the Union put this subject beyond the reach 
of our political action ; and, if they did, and it should still appear 
that God had placed us under religious obligations to the enslaved, 
we cannot for a moment admit that human compacts or enactments 
are valid against the divine law. Is it peremptorily asserted, that 
we at the North have no responsibilities or duties with reference 
to slavery V We still will contend for the right of trying this qne^- 
tion ourselves, inasmuch as the question of responsibility or of duty 
can never be answered by others in our stead. We say not at 
the outset that it is our right or duty to act upon this subject ; but 
merely maintain the right, nay, the duty of inquuy, — of deter- 
mining, by the free exercise of our own judgment, whether and 
how far we at the North are accountable for the wrongs and evila 
of slavery, — whether and how far Providence has entrusted to \\h 
the power, and given to us the m^ns of decisive influence and 



action in the cause of emancipation. To put and answer these 
mf|uii-ie,s is the object of the present article. 

We will first define the position of the people of the North with 
reference to slavery, and our position will determine our duties. 

In the first place, we stand in undoubted relations of brotherhood 
to the entire slave population ; and, however much or little we may 
Ije able to do for them, they are legitimate objects of our interest, 
s}Tnpathy, and intercession; nor can it be questioned that we 
should hold ourselves in readiness to perform in their behalf any 
brotherly ofiice, which implies no trespass upon the rights or well- 
being of others. 

In the next place, we have with us at the North not a few of 
the African race, with whom we have immediate social relations, 
and our treatment of whom will be determined mainly by our feel* 
ino'S towards their race as a whole. These negi'oes are among us, 
as the outcast Parias are in Hindoostan. They are generally ex- 
cluded from our common schools, and in some places are left with- 
out any pro^Hsion for their education. From some churches they 
are slmtout, and in others seated in a solitary loft above the organ, 
forbidden so much as to stand on the same floor with their white 
brethren in the house of Him, who " hath made of one blood all 
nations of men," nay, not permitted to kneel at the sacramental 
altar, till the last white communicant has retired to his seat. 
There are very many, who seem to look upon the whole race with 
loathmg and detestation. Now if there be anything wrong in tins 
state of things, compassion for and sjonpathy with the slave are 
more likely than aught else to set it right. But, if the great body 
of the African race in our country be viewed with a resolute hard- 
ness of heart, the few, with whom we come occasionally in contact, 
will be sure to suffer neglect and contumely from us. 

Yet again, there are at the North many ardent, devoted friends 
of the slave, to whom, unless they have forfeited them by miscon- 
duct, we owe all the duties of good neighborhood, friendship, and 
Christian fellowship ; and our ^^ews of the subject of slavery must 
determine, whether we shall treat them as deluded, erring, and 
guilty men, or whether we shall regard them as endowed with the 
true spirit of charity and philanthropy. They are, many of them, 
persons of the most exemplary lives in eveiy other point of view, 
— persons, of whom it is often said, that their anti-slavery princi- 
ples are their only fault. Is this to be regarded as a hemous fault, 
worthy of vehement reproof, censure, denunciation, excommunica- 
tion ; or as in itself amiable and commendable ? If we are right 
in considering slavery as a forbidden subject, and the slave as shut 
out ])y the will and law of God from our sjiupathy, prayers, and 
efforts, then Is the anti-slavery man, as such, a disorganizer, a man 



'mil of treason, a daiigoi'Oiis nieinbcr of society, to be treated with 
suspicion and distrust. But if, on the other liand, we have duties 
incumbent on us with reference to slavery, then he, who has the 
t^ourage to meet these duties with a bold front, is worthy of high 
esteem and honor, so far as he preserves the meek and gentle 
spu'it of his blaster. To be .sui-e, if he be a fanatic, his fanaticism 
on this, as on any other subject, is proof of a weak head. If he 
be denunciatory, his bitterness of spuit on this, as on any other 
subject, betrays a bad temper. But, simply as an anti-slavery 
man, he is to be regarded with tlie same esteem, with which we 
regard any other consistent and devoted laborer in any philan- 
thropic work. But, we repeat it, our duties towards this portion 
of om' fellow-citizens depend upon our views of the evil and the 
remedy of slavery. 

Then again, there is a great deal of emigration from the North- 
em to the Southern States, and a heavy responsibihty rests on us 
as to the tone of feeling and principle, with which tliose shall be 
imbued, who go from among us to communities, where their im- 
mediate influence must be given either for or against this form of 
oppression. New England men, wherever they go, occupy prom- 
inent places, and exert a commanding influence. They are more 
apt to give than to receive law, — to control the current of opinion 
than to yield to it. In some of the Southern towns and cities, 
the chief men in every department of business and enterprise are 
natives of New England. At present, these adopted citizens of 
the South are, for t]ie most part, among the strongest and least 
tolerant advocates of slavery. The Editor of the Southern Ee- 
view, a work established chiefly for the maintenance of distuictive- 
ly Southern prmciples, is a Northern man. j\Iany of our readers 
remember the quite recent correspondence of a Churcli in Savan- 
nah with the American Unitarian AvSsociation, in connection with 
their sending home unheard a clergyman, who had been selected 
for them on the express gromid of his standing uncommitted with 
reference to Northern a])olitionism. From their unwillingness to 
listen for a single Sabbath, or to give -he shghtest countenance to 
one, who could be suspected of hostility to Southern institutions, 
it might be inferred that this parish was composed of people, in 
whose veins pure Southern blood had flowed for many generations. 
But, in point of fact, this parish was comp')sed almost entirely of 
Northern men. A clergyman, who officiated there for a season, 
can recall the names of but three natives of the South among the 
male paiishioners. Of the thi-ee members of the Committee of 
correspondence with the Unitarian Association, two were Northern 
men by buih; and still another member of the jiarish, who bore 
=a prominent part in the transactions relating to Bev. Mr. ]Nrot[e. 



and indeed was an acknowledged leader in all ecclesiastical mat' 
ters, was a Northern man, and then held an auction every Thurs- 
day for the sale of human flesh. These flicts we have specified as 
illustrating the state of principle and feeling which prevails with 
hardly an exception, among Northern men, who have become cit- 
izens of the South. Now there must be something grossly wrong 
in the state of public feeling at the North, while such men and 
few others are sent Southward. There must be bitterness at the 
fountain, whence such streams flow. And we have no doubt that, 
if the New England people, who are now at the South, had car- 
ried with them what ought to be New England principles, and 
simply lived them out by tacitly declining all connection with 
slavery and all action in its favor, without any insurrectionary 
language or movement, they would have done a vast deal towards 
mollifying the tone of public sentiment at the South, and prepar- 
ing the way for the gradual emancipation of the enslaved. A 
healthy and active state of general sentiment at the North is then, 
in this point of view, if in no other, of prime importance, and 
would be of extensive and controlling mfluence. 

We have as yet named prominent indeed, yet only secondary 
features of our position with reference to slavery. T\^e are still 
more intimately connected with the system. We, the people of 
the North, are slave-holders and slave-dealers. The Constitution 
and history of our Federal Government cover a vast amount of 
pro-slavery recognition, sanction, legislation, and executive action, 
and for all this the non-slaveholding States are accountable ; for 
they liave always had the majority in the national counsels, and, 
had they been trae to the principles, for which they professedly 
contended in the war of the Revolution, the Federal Government 
would have been clear of this unholy compact. Now what the 
non-slaveholding states liave done, they may undo. Wliat tliey 
have established they may abolish. What they have sanctioned 
they may disavow. Let us then take a cursory view of what they 
have done, established, and sanctioned ; for this is requisite in or- 
der to define their position. 

Our Constitution embraced at the outset a most unfortunate 
compromise, guaranteeing the continuance of the slave-trade for 
twenty years, without providing for its abolition even then ; and 
against this many earnest and ferv-ent voices were raised by not a 
few of the first and best men in the nation; among whom we would 
make honorable mention of Joshua Atherton, of New Hampshire, 
(grandfather of Hon. Charles G. Atherton^ who opposed the 
adoption of the Constitution on this ground alone ; for, said he, 
" If we ratify the Constitution, we become consenters to and par- 
takers in the sin and guilt of this abominable traffic." By the 



Constitution, also, a larger than its due share of representation and 
influence was secured to the Southern States, })y reckoning three- 
fifths of the slaves in the numbers, on which the apportionment of 
representatives in Congress is made, — an anangement, by which 
the Southern minority of the free citizens of the country have been 
fast approaching a majority in the representation, and will, if the 
process go on unchecked, soon attain that majority by the increase 
of slaves in the extreme South, and the creation of new slaveholding 
states, as in the case of Texas and Florida. There is also an ar- 
ticle in the Constitution, which permits the reclaiming of fugitive 
slaves in the free States, and thus declares our territory, what it 
has often been made, a hunting ground for slave-drivers. Under 
this article, according to the construction of our Supreme Judiciaiy, 
any citizen of the North, (he need not be black ; men as white as 
most of our readers, have been claimed and seized as slaves at the 
North,) may be seized and canied into slavery without the form 
of trial, on the mere affidavit of the claimant before a justice of the 
peace. The redeeming trait in this article is, that it does not make 
it incumbent on the State authorities to act in such cases, and its 
force may be evaded, (as it has been, to the honor of several of 
the New England States,) by prohibiting, under severe penalties, 
any of the State functionaries from aidmg in the arrest or verifica- 
tion of persons claimed as slaves, and forl)idding the use of the 
jails of the State for the detention of such persons. But still the 
article is a foul blot upon our Constitution, and a memorial of a 
sycophancy and subserviency to the South on the part of the 
North, which has been as the life-blood of Southern slavery. 

By the Constitution, Congi-ess has exclusive jurisdiction over 
the territories belonging to the Union ; and, south of thirty-eight 
and a half degrees of north latitude, CongTcsshas sanctioned slave- 
ry in all those territories. Several new slaveholding States have 
been admitted to the Union; and particularly, in 1840, J^Iissouri, 
the question of whose admission was made to turn solely on the 
point of slavery, was admitted with liberty to hold slaves, by 
means of the infamous defection of Northern members of Congress 
from the true principles of freedom. 

Under the authority of Congress, also, and by the votes and 
the acquiescence of Northern legislators, slaveiy and the domestic 
slave-trade, in its most revolting features, are sustained in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, of which the entire, unrestricted jimsdiction is 
vested in Congress. There are nowhere in the Union more severe 
slave-laws than are sanctioned in that District by act of Congress. 
The barbarity of the slave-laws in force there may be judged of 
from one single item. A slave, convicted of setting fire to any 
building, is to have his head cut off, his body divided into quar- 



8 

iers, and the parts set up in the most public place.-\ In riie very 
scat of government, any coloretl person may Le apprehended as a 
fugitive slave ; and, if he proves himself free, he is charged with 
all the fees and rewards given by law for the ap])rehension of run- 
aways, and, upon failiu*c to make payment, he is liable to be sold as 
a slave. Thus, under the veiy eye of Congress, a free man of color, 
on his lawful business, may be arrested, thro\\^i into jail, and, if 
too poor to pay charges, which range from forty-five to ninety dol- 
lars, sold into irredeemaljle slavery. There have been, however, 
cases in which blacks thus arrested have been discliarged. There 
was reported to the House of Representatives a case, in which a 
l)lack man was taken up on suspicion of being a runaway slave j 
and kept confined four hundred and Jive days, in which time 
vennin, disease, and misery had deprived him of the use of his 
limljs, and made him a cripjjle for life, and he was then discharg- 
ed because no one would ]juy him. Yet, while these things are 
well known in CongTCss, and are brought before that l^ody by 
committees of theii* own, they have repeatedly voted to make no 
alterations in the slave-laws of the District, and to such votes 
scores of Northeni legislators have recorded their names in the 
afiu-mative. Meanwhile the neighboring State of Maryland, from 
which many of these slave-laws were derived, yielding to tlie spirit 
of tiie age, has expunged the most obnoxious of them from her 
statute l3ook ; and on her soil, the man, who confesses himself a 
slave, is released, if his master does not answer an adrertisemcnt, 
and appear to claim him, withm a limited time. 

Under tlie eye, and with the sanction of Congress, the District 
of Columbia is also made the great slave-market of the Union. 
There have been single numbers of tlie National Intelligencer, 
that have contained advertisements relating to the pui'chase or 
sale of not only hundreds, but even thousands of slaves. In the 
city of Washington, so lucrative is tliis trade, that licenses to carry 
it on, still binder the autliority of Congress, are given and regu- 
larly paid for at a rate prescribed l)y the city corporation, which 
has been and probably is now no less than four liundred dol- 
lars. Nortliern members of Congress are often compelled to 
meet droves of slaves on their way to a market or to the river, 
handcuffed and chained together. This traffic is disgusting to the 
best people of the District, has been petitioned against by large 
numbers of them, has been presented as a imisance by gTand 
juries, has been commented upon with righteous severity in 
< Charges from the Bench, and yet legislators from the non-slave- 
liolding States have not prmciplc, energy, and independence 
f nougli to do it away. 

By the Constitution, tlie ]-egulation of commerce between the 



several States is vested in Congress, and Congress has enacted 
laws permitting the slave-trade between the States coastwise in 
vessels of over forty tons })urthen, and prescriljing minutely tlic 
manifests, forms of entry at the custom-house, and specifications 
to be made by the masters of such vessels. By the same author- 
ity a vast inland slave-trade is carried on, and immense numbers 
are driven in herds from the Northern to the Southern and South- 
western extremities of the slave-holding district, often thirty or 
forty attached to the same long chain, each l)y a sliort chain affix- 
ed to his iron handcuff. In Maryland and Virginia, tliis is a 
business of prime importance; and large, jail-like places of depos- 
it, well supplied with thumb-screws, gags, and cowhides, are 
scattered at not infrequent intervals over the territoiy of those 
States, v" In 1836, no less than forty thousand slaves had been 
sold out of Vii'ginia within a year, for a sum of not less than 
tioenty-four millions of dollars,* and, not long before that date, 
a distinguished statesman of Virginia publicly declared, that his 
native State had been converted into "one grand menagerie, 
where men were reared for the market, like oxen for the sham- 
bles, "t And all this under the authority of Congi'ess, and with 
the consent of Northern legislators. 

But our Federal Government has not confined its action on this 
subject within its own jurisdiction. By express votes of Con- 
gress, and of coui'se, of Northern members to constitute a majori- 
ty, the Government has repeatedly negotiated with Great Britain, 
(though happily with no success, except a paltry pecuniary re- 
muneration in one or two instances,) for the restoration of fugitive 
vslaves from Canada, and of slaves that have been cast by ship- 
wreck upon British soil. And, to cap the climax of degradation, 
our republic, when the permanence of slavery in the island of 
Cuba was supposed to be threatened, made to the courts of Mad- 
rid and of St. Petersburg, and to the Congress of Panama, the 
most dolorous representations of the effect, which emancipation in 
Cuba must needs have upon her own domestic institutions, and 
intimated in the most explicit t^rms, that the United States would 
without hesitation embark in any war, which might be necessary 
to perpetuate slavery in that island, — yes, pledged tlie entire 
strength and resources of this nation, which styles itself free, to 
keep hundreds of thousands of human beings out of its own pre- 
cincts in hopeless degradation and bondage. 

Now, while such has been the spirit of a large portion of the 
delegation to Congress from the non-slaveholding States, we cau- 

* Niles' Register, Oct. S, 1S36. 

t Speech of Thomas Jefferson Randolph, in the Virginia Legislature, in 
1S32. 



10 

not regard the long rejection of petitions bearing upon slavery as 
a matter of surprise, or as furnishing additional ground for moral 
indignation to an honest and philanthropic heart. Before the 
right of petition was fomially denied, the majority of Northern 
members had sufficiently shown that there was no right too sacred 
to be yielded up to Southern dictation; and, as they would at any 
rate have treated the subject-matter of these petitions with neg- 
lect and indignity, it may have been as well for them to do the 
work in brief, and to save the time and money of the nation by 
one sweeping vote of rejection. 

Such is the amount of action, permission, and sanction, for 
which we at the North are accountable. To this degree are we 
slave-holders and slave-dealei's. We are not indeed directly re- 
sponsible for slavery within the borders of the several States. 
That is their concern. But for eveiy act or recognition on the 
part of the Federal Government we are accountable, — that is, we 
the people, not our representatives or rulers, who are our agents, 
but we individually, whenever we have voted for a man, who was 
likely to cast a pro-slavery vote in Congress, whenever we have 
learned with indifference , that our agent had cast such a vote, 
whenever we have voted a second time for a man, who had once 
cast such a vote. The acts of our representatives, which we let 
go by um*ebuked, ai'e oui* acts. Tilien Northern men have thus 
voted, it has been because their constituents were either indiffer- 
ent to the whole matter, or strongly tinged with Southern princi- 
ples. A late member of Congress,* who never failed, when the 
opportunity offered, to vote in behalf of slavery, not long ago- 
made the following expose of his political creed : " While in pub- 
lic life, it has ever been, and will ever continue to be, my effort, 
first to learn, and then to do the will of my constituents." This 
man had for several years represented a State where the general 
tone of public feeling then was either absolute indifference, or a 
leaning towards the pro-slavery side of all these questions. The 
iLse of the representative's o^ti conscience seems to have grown 
obsolete, and instructions and pledges have so far supplied its 
place, that, on all matters of importance, the alternative is obe- 
dience or the resignation of one's office. Thus the burthen rests 
upon the consciences of the citizens at large. 

Such is the position of the people of the North, with regard to 
slavery. What are the duties growing out of this position ? 

In the first place, it is undoubtedly the duty of every citizen to 
take cognizance of the subject, to know what slavery is, and to 
have a just, and, so far as may be, an adequate idea of its evils 
and enormities. In judging of Southern slavery, we have no need 

* Hon. Henrv Hubbard, of Kew Hampsliire. 



11 

to discuss tlie question, whether slavery is intrinsically and under 
all circumstances an evil and a wi'ong. It is certainly within the 
range of abstract possibility, that a state of things might exist, in 
which something corresponding to the relation of master and slave 
should be mutually beneficial. Such a state of things did proba- 
bly exist in the patriarchal families in very early times ; and, from 
all the hints that we can glean of those times, the servants or 
slaves were generally the privileged j^arty. But this has nothing 
to do with our negro slavery. The bondage of the African race 
is the fruit of man-stealing, a crime denounced in the severest 
terms by revelation, and utterly abhorrent to the very first prin- 
ciples of humanity. Then again, our system of negro slaveiy sets 
aside that law of God, by which the marriage covenant is pro- 
aiounced inviolate and pennanent. There are among the slaves no 
busbands and wives joined till death shall part them. Their union 
m not marriage, nor is it usually sanctioned by tlie sacrilegious 
mockery of a marriage ceremony. Those united for a season may 
be, without their consent, separated scores or hundreds of miles 
from each other, aiid then each is permitted, expected, nay, com- 
pelled to enter into a new union, and, perhaps a few months after, 
into yet another. The leading ecclesiastical bodies at the South 
have even issued proclamations, declaring that the gospel laws of 
■matrimony are not to be considered as binding upon the slaves, 
or with reference to them, and that the slave may lawfully change 
his or her wife or husband with every change of residence. This 
one feature is sufficient to make the whole system unspeakably 
degrading and demoralizing, ina^nuch as it entirely breaks up the 
institution of families, which is the choicest instrument of civiliza- 
tion and refinement, the surest bond of vu'tue, and an essential 
means of religious culture and discipline. Then too, in most of 
the Southern States, deep and hopeless d-egradation is entailed 
wpon the slaves, by their being wholly cut off from the means of 
education; stripes, fines, and imprisonment impending over him or 
her, who would teach a slave to read, or give him a Bible. Of 
course, this system precludes all just and accurate knowledge of 
truth and duty, and ail opportunity to rise in the scale of intellec- 
tual and moral being. Under the present state of things, the 
female slaves are necessarily, and almost universally, made \-ic- 
tims of the licentiousness of the whites. The most decisive and 
unanimous testimony is borne on this point by every honest wit- 
aess. 

With regard to the moral condition of the slaves, our fairest esti- 
mate must of course be that founded on Southern testimony. In a 
i-eport adopted and published by the Presbyterian Synod of South 



12 

Carolina and Georgia, made but a few years since, it is said, 
" that the negroes ai'e destitute of the priWleges of the gospel, 
and ever will be, imderthe present state of tilings," — that they 
" will bear comparison with heathen in any country in the world," 
*— that "not a twentieth part" of the slaves attend public wor- 
ship. A wiitcr in the Western Luminary, a respectable religious 
newspaper in Kentucky, says : 

"I proclaim it abroad to the Christian world, that heathenism 
is as real in the slave States as it is in the South Sea Islands, and 
that our negroes are as justly objects of attention to the American 
and other boards of foreign missions, as the Indians of the western 
wilds. "SVhat is it constitutes heathenism ? Is it to be destitute of 
a knowledge of God, — of his holy word, — never to have heard 
scarcely a sentence of it read through life, — to know little or 
nothing of the history, character, instructions, and mission of Jesus 
Christ, — to be almost totally devoid of moral knowledge and feel- 
ing, of sentiments of probity, truth, and chastity ? If this consti- 
tutes heathenism, then are these thousands, millions of heathens in 
our beloved land. There is one topic to which I will allude, which 
will serve to establish the heathenism of this population. I allude 
to the universal licentiousness which prevails. It may be said 
emphatically, that chastity is no virtue among them, — that its vio- 
lation neither injures female character in then* own estimation, nor 
in that of their master or mistress. No instmction is ever given, no 
censure dispensed. I speak not of the world, I speak of Cbist- 
ians generally." 

Compared with this mental and moral degradation, (we might 
almost say aniiihilatioyi, for the system does all that it can to 
sink the man into the brute,) the mere physical sufferings con- 
nected with it, severe as they are, dwindle into msignificance. 
These may perhaps be often overrated ; the moral evils no imagi- 
nation can overrate. As to the fare, as to the clothing of the 
slaves, it is indeed scanty and poor, bearing no comparison, at 
least on the plantations, with that of free laborers at the North, 
yet much better, no doubt, than the English manufacturers and 
many classes of free laborers m Europe can procure. With re- 
gard to cruel treatment, there are doubtless many humane mas- 
ters, and there is a degree to which the slaves are protected by 
law, that is, they cannot be killed in mere sport or wantonness. 
But the slave-laws of all the Southern States are written in bloody 
and are a burning shame for a nation that boasts of its freedom, 
and a foul outrage upon humanity i In Virginia, there are sei'enty- 
mie offences, which, subjecting a white man only to imprisonment, 
are in a negro punished with death. In Georgia, any person may 
inflict twenty lashes on the bare back of a slave found off the 



13 

plantation where he belongs without a written license; and there 
are very many Southern laws, by which, not for crime, but for 
merely nominal offences, any UTCsponsible person whatsoever, 
without the intervention of a magistrate, may inflict from twenty 
to forty lashes. By the laws of Maryland, a slave may, for rid- 
ing a horse without leave, and for other hke insignificant offences, 
be whipt, have his ears cropt, or be branded on the cheek 
with the letter R. ^ut we will not go on with the loathsome and 
harrowing recital ; we might fill many pages with it ; nor do 
we believe that there stands written, whether in fact or fiction, 
poetry or prose, anythmg so horrible, so shocking to every senti- 
ment of humanity, as the statute-books of the Southern States. 

In addition to the legal cruelty to which the slave is liable, he 
is left in a great degree unprotected against private violence and 
wrong. To force applied for however unlawful or biTital purposes, 
the slave can make no resistance. Passive submission, not only 
to one's own master, but to the whole white population, is enjoin- 
ed by the severest penalties. ^ There are some cases, in which a 
slave, for merely striking a white man, may be lawfully killed on 
the spot ; and death, in Georgia for the second offence, and for the 
thu"d in South Carolina, is the legal penalty for a slave's strikmg 
any white person, under circumstances of whatever provocation, 
or in resistance of any treatment, however unlawful, l>rutal, or 
malicious. ' The slave is cut off from the benefit of trial by jury, 
except in capital cases ; and m South Carolina, Virginia, and 
Louisiana, life may be legally taken without the verdict of a jury. 
In Louisiana, if the court is equally divided as to the guilt of a 
slave, judgment is rendered against him. In 1832, thirty-five 
slaves were executed at one time in Charleston, S.C, without the 
intervention of a jury. The degree of protection which the slave 
enjoys against over-working, and the security in which he holds 
any little property of his own, may be judged of from the fact, 
that the lowest prescribed limit of a slave's daily labor \q fifteen 
hours, that in several of the States a slave is not permitted to 
raise cotton or to keep domestic animals for his own benefit, and 
that in several of the States masters are forbidden, under heavy 
penalties, to let their slaves work for wages for their own benefit. 
The extent to which the slave's life is protected may be inferred 
from the law of South Carolina, which provides that, if a slave be 
murdered by a white person in a sudden passion, or by excessive 
punishment, the man who kills him shall pay a moderate fine, and 
be imprisoned six months. 

Now these laws are not merely indications of what may in ex- 
treme cases be done to, or suffered by the slaves. Laws are the 
surest index of the state of public sentiment in a community, and 
2 



14 

these laws show in what light the rights, the comfort, and the life 
of the slave are regarded at the South. These laws are the true 
criterion of judgment. Individual cases of hardship and gross 
cruelty may exist under the most humane laws, wherever man 
has power over his fellow-beings. We have ourselves known, in 
our own neighborhood, cases of the cruel treatment of children 
bound out at service, which, had they occurred at the South, 
would have figured largely in anti-slavery reports ; but they would 
here have been the subjects of the severest legal animadversion, 
and would have roused the indignation of the whole community, 
while at the South they would have been far within the liberty 
granted by law, and would have excited no surprise or censure. 
We doubt not that there are very many humane and conscientious 
masters at the South, — many, who bear the burden of slavery \m- 
willingly, and who cherish a Christian sense of duty towards this 
species of property, from which they know not how to escape. 
But we want no other proof than the advertisements in Southern 
newspapers, to convince us that cases of gross inhumanity are ap- 
pallingly frequent ; and even in the cities, where the slaves are 
supposed to enjoy a condition of greater comfort than on the plan- 
tations, the severe whipping of adult slaves, both male and female, 
either by the master or by the public functionary appointed for 
that purpose, is a common and habit^ial thing. 

Such is slavery, — the institution for which our kind construc- 
tion, our tolerance, our sympathy, our tacit approval, is often 
claimed. Such is the slavery, which we Northern men help sus- 
tain in the District of Columbia, and in the territories under the 
national jurisdiction, and which, in the portions of the country 
where it has the deepest dye, is replenished by a traffic conducted 
under our sanction and authority. Such is the burden, which, 
as it exists in the Southern States of the Union, claims not indeed 
our interference until it is solicited, but our prayers and our sym- 
pathy both for the enslaved and for their masters. And can it be 
Heaven's will, that we should close our hearts against the knowl- 
edge of such wrong and miseiy '! Shall constitutions and enact- 
ments restrain prayer, and make void the law of God and of Jesus, 
which says, *' AH ye are brethren?" But what shall we, what can 
we lawfully do for the benefit of the slaves taken collectively? 

In the first place, we can and should pray for the slave and his 
master, in public and in private, not in mere form, but heartily, 
fervently. And this we say, not professionally, but because we 
believe in the efficacy of prayer. The evil is one of appalling 
magnitude. The stone is very great. We cannot roll it away 
unless God strengthen us and teach us how. But if all Christian 
.people at the North would unite in earnest supplication to God for 



15 

their unhappy brethren, he wouhl open their eyes to moihjs of hi- 
fluence and effort now hidden. And on a subject so exciting, tlic 
calm and gentle spuit of prayer is especially needed to purge phi- 
lanthropy from all base admixture of earthly passion, to temper it 
with justice and candor, and to prevent sympathy with the oj>- 
pressed from degenerating into hatred and vindictive feelinfs to 
wards the oppressor. We fear that on this subject there has been 
too much preaching compared with the praying. 

But we ought to preach as well as pray, and to write as well as 
preach. The subject is an open one, and demands discussion ; 
nor by its discussion can ^vl•ong be done to any, so long as the 
laws of truth and of brotherly love are kept inviolate, and all 1)it- 
terness and wrath are put away. It is often said, that slavery is 
not a subject for the pulpit. But why not ? A just moral per- 
spective will not indeed ensure it the broad and engi-ossing place 
in pulpit services, which some assign to it. But we regai-d it as a 
fit subject for discussion in the stated services of the sanctuary, 
because slavery is a moral rather than a physical evil, and pre- 
sents its most alarming and revolting aspects in a Clnistian point 
'Of view ; because the evil is so desperate, that no power short of 
the omnipotence of Chi'istian truth and love can reach it ; because 
the slaves and the slave-holders are our brethren, children of our 
Father, bound to us by religious ties, and it is therefore fitting 
that we should bear them on our minds and hearts in our Father'^ 
house ; because, if we have any duties towards them, they are re- 
ligious duties, and therefore within the legitimate scope of the pul- 
pit ; and, finally, because the subject is encompassed with so many 
difficulties, and needs for the solution of them so much of the 
wisdom that is from above, and for its discussion without offence 
so much of that cahnness and meekness, which should cliaracter- 
ize the pulpit more universally than it does, that we may well ap- 
ply to it the language and imitate the example of the Psalmist, 
with regard to perplexities of a different class; "If I say, I will 
speak thus, behold, I should offend against the generation of thy 
children. "When I thought to know this, it was too jDainful for 
me, until I went into the sanctuary of God." Let then a firm 
and strong disapproval of the whole system breathe from the pul- 
pit and the press, throughout the non-slaveholding States. Let 
no man be ashamed, or afraid to utter or to wiite what he believes 
and feels. Let this state of public sentiment be cherished at the 
North, without any aggressive movement towards the South ; and 
it eamiot but make itself felt there. It has there even now many 
fieai'ts ready, yearning to respond to it. And those at the Soutli, 
who cling to slavery, depend for their support to a very great de- 
gree upon popular feeling at the North, and feel fortified by the 



16 

strong pro-slaveiy ground taken by the Northern press and pulpit, 
more than by any or all things else. While slavery has its friends 
at the North, its hold upon the South cannot be relaxed. But 
right feeling here will work its way there. Our literature tinged 
with it will be read and felt there. Our gi'eat political orators 
once imbued with it will send the truth home to Southern hearts 
in breathing thoughts and burning words. Our ecclesiastical 
bodies are more or less intimately connected with the Southern 
church, and their unanimous, decided, and strong sentiment will 
soon find a response from every devout and intelligent Christian 
at the South, and will awaken to sincere penitence and a better 
mind those portions of the Southern chui-ch, which have entered 
into willing compact with this iniquity. Let the whole North be 
set right on this subject, and there would be no call for active in- 
terference or expostulation. Slavery would expire without a blow. 
It could not live a day without sympathy and support from beyond 
its own borders. Public sentiment is not the lame and slow agent 
which it once was ; but it moves on wmgs of fire, and is like light- 
ning which glances through the whole finnament with a flash. 

In addition to this general expression and fiill establishment of 
right feeling upon this subject, it is most manifestly om' duty to 
undo our own work, — to abolish slavery and all operations con- 
nected with it, so far as the field of our jurisdiction extends. This 
is the most momentous subject of national legislation ; nor can we 
hope for the smile of Providence upon any of our counsels, while 
this is overlooked. We are prone to deem it of the utmost im- 
portance, (and it cei-tainly is impoi-tant,) that our legislators 
should be sound in the faith on such subjects as the tariff and the 
cuiTency, on which men yet may honestly differ, — is it not of 
incomparably greater importance that they should be men, v/ho 
will not by their continued subserviency to a system, which no 
Northern man in his heart approves, call do^vn the judgments of 
long-suffering Heaven upon our land ? The domestic slave-trade 
should be stopped ; and that movement would insure speedy 
emancipation in the slave-breeding states, where slaves are con- 
fessedly not worth keejnng for their labor, and confine the e"\^l to 
the extreme South and Soutliwest. The portion of the country 
under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Federal Government should 
be purged of this contamination. Let it be done by purchase, — » 
it would not cost a third of wliat tlie Florida war cost, and it would 
l)e far Ijetter to pay men for what is not their property, than to 
let tlie most shadowy suspicion of injustice rest upon a philanthro- 
]iic movement. Let the whole North too, as one man, resist the 
admission into the confederation of any new slaveholding mem- 
Ijcr. Let all the non-slaveholding States also follow the noblQ 



17 

♦.example already set, and foi))id the agency of their magistrates 
and the use of their jails for the detention and restoration of fugi- 
tive slaves. Let the entire strength of tl)e non-slaveholdiiig 
States also be put forth in behalf of such amendments to the ('(»ii- 
stitution, as shall blot out all recognition of slavery, and apiK)rti<>ii 
representation to the axitual number of free citizens in the several 
States. 

But^ on all these subjects, the present is the time for prompt 
iind energetic counsel and action. Let new slavehokling States 
be admitted into the Union, or created from conr^uered territory, 
(and this may take place during the very next sessi(jn of Con- 
gress, and scores of Northern votes be cast in favor of it,) and 
not improbably the majority of representatives at the end of an- 
other ten years will belong to the slaveholding States, and the 
chains of slavery will then be riveted, till the iniquity of the na- 
tion is full, and our name and place shall be blotted out from 
among the nations of the earth. Is it said, that a decided staml 
against slavery on the part of the noii-slaveholding States would 
destroy the Union? Let it then be destroyed. If the Union can- 
not be preserved, and the laws of God be at the same time kept, 
better that human compacts yield, and Grod Idc obeyed at all haz- 
ards. In saying this, let us not be understood as speaking trea- 
sonably of our national Union. We prize and love the Union, and 
dncerely pray that God may keep it. But we expect safety for it 
only by its conforr/ity to the divme will and law. We do not be- 
lieve that it is threatened by any philanthropic principle or move- 
ment. On the other hand, were slavery removed from a place 
so near its foundations, it ^vould be built up at once in the sti*ength 
and beauty of liberty and virtue, and would l)e the desire of all 
nations, the glory of the whole earth. But, if the Union is threat- 
ened, it is by the reciprocal encroachments of the South and syeo- 
I^hancy of the North, and by the reckless, unprincipled tone and 
spirit thus given to the whole legislation and action of the Federal 
Government. There is no part of the national administration not 
infected by the spirit of slavery. " The wliole head is sick, and 
the whole heart is faint." The South is arrogating to itself a vast 
preponderance of government pationage and influence, and dictat- 
ing laws for the whole Union, while Northern men, makhig shijv 
wreck of principle on the subject of slavery, preserve it on no 
other subject, and are pushing the country Jis fast as they can intc» 
misrule and anarchy. Tlie only sah-ation of the country is for the 
non-slavekolding States to assert their own ])rinciples, and to send 
to the national legislature men of principle, Christians, philanthro- 
pists, men that fear God, — not pledged and packed men, butnu-n 
whose coD^iences their constituents can tiai^st, — not men, who 



18 

need to be instracted, but such as shall go thoroughly furnished 
for evei*y good work. 

We have as yet said nothing of anti-slaveiy societies. So far 
as those societies have breathed a denunciatory spirit, we heartily 
disapprove of it. Yet they have not been the aggressors, nor can 
there have been anything in theh" most bitter speeches and writ- 
ings, whicli can bear comparison with the rancor of their assail- 
ants, and the contumely and mjury, which have been heaped up- 
on them without redress. They have never mobbed defenceless 
women, nor stormed chui*ches, norsetfii-e to pubhc buildings, nor 
taken the lives of their opponents. We would far sooner have stood 
in then* ranks than in those of their adversaries ; for, whatever 
their excesses may have been, they have had principle on their side, 
though we wish that they had always had grace, after their great 
Master's example, when they were reviled, not to revile again, 
when they suffered, to threaten not, but to commit themselves to 
liim tliat judgeth righteously. Had they all breathed this spirit, 
as many of them uniformly have, their cause would by this time 
have outgTown all opposition. Had such men as the lamented 
Foilen, Channing and Ware, and some living luminaries of the 
church, whom we could name, (men who never harbored an un- 
kind thought, or wrote or uttered an ungentle word,) given the 
whole tone to the anti-slavery movement, we should l3y this time 
have seen the most glorious and successful reformation in modern 
Christendom far advanced towards its completion. But though 
the professed advocates of this cause may not have done all that 
they might, or so well as they might, though they have been men 
of like passions with other men, and not angels, which reformers 
ai-e always expected to be, and never are, they deserve at our 
hands decided vindication, as to the alleged injury to their own 
cause, which has been charged upon them. 

It is said, that their movement has closed many heart.s against 
the claims of the slaves. Many hearts have indeed remained 
closed ; but, in addition to the many thousands of active and 
zealous members of anti-slavery organizations, there is a far more 
general and strong feeling on the subject throughout the entire 
North, than when tliis movement commenced. Nor was this a 
new movement. There had been, all over the non-slaveholding 
States, and in the more northerly of the slave-holding States, abo- 
lition societies under that express name, in active operation for 
many years from the adoption of the Federal Constitution, and in 
the Northern and Middle States till 1820. In looking over their 
reports and memorials, we find that they used as strong and earn- 
est language on tlie subject of slavery, as can have been used in 
the most vehement recent publications. Their reprobation of tlie 



19 

whole system wasimlinutod and iutoiisely eiii|jluitic-; and tlicy niini- 
bered among tlieir aL-tivc niomher.s tlie confessedly first and l)est 
men in Chmcli and State. Tliey ])Oured in upon Congress peti- 
tions and memorials against the adniission of ^Missouri into tlie 
Union, and in these documents the strongest, most uncompromising 
anti-shivery ground was assumed, as tlie unanimous exi)ression of 
Northern sentiment. That was their hist gi-eat battle. Defeated 
then through the treachery of men, on whom they im})licitly de- 
[)ended, they left the field, and were probably disbanded ; for we 
find no subsequent traces of their existence. 

The defection of the Nurtli from its legithnatc prhici{)les on tliat 
occasion no doubt deadened the general conscience ; and little was 
said or thought on the subject of slavery for the succeeding ten or 
twelve years. Meanwhile new relations were gi'OAving up between 
the North and the South. The Southern cotton trade dming this 
interval rose from utter insignificance to a place secoiid to no other 
branch of business. The manufactories of the New Iv.igland States 
became numerous and extensive, and depended on the South for 
theu' raw material. Our New England ships, shut out ]»y univei- 
sal peace from the general carrying trade, which they had once 
enjoyed, found the transportation of Southern cotton their surest 
and most lucrative employment. Thus had the Noith in a very 
brief space of time become connected with the South by the clos- 
est and most constraining pecuniaiy ties, so that the rei)ublication 
of views, which twenty years before it had been scar.dalous not 
to admit, now touched new chords of interest, on which it jarred 
harsh and unwelcome music. The piinciples were not new ; but 
the relations of Northern men had Ijecome changed. 

Maryland and Virginia abolitionism owes its decline to a similar 
chain of causes. For many years slavery had been in those 
States an intolerable pecuniary burden. For the ordinary opera- 
tions of agriculture, slave labor was well known to 1)e less lucra- 
tive than free labor ; and yet the latter could not be had, while 
the fonuer was emploj^ed. Much of the cultivated land of those 
States was exhausted by the perpetual succession of the same 
crops, and it could not be improved, nor could new land be 
brought under cultivation, without a larger capital in human 
stock, than owners could generally afford, or the profits of agricul- 
ture authorize. The African slave-market was open until ]80><. 
and the more Southern States could buy slaves stolen ready grown 
in Africa, cheaper than they could be raised in "Mrginia and 
Maryland ; and the suspension of the African slave trade left the 
country fully stocked, if not overstocked with slaves, and, South- 
ern industry remaining nearly stationary for a series of years, tl 
slave-growing States found no regular or lucrative nuukct for their 



le 



20 

increase. No wonder that they talked loud and long of emancl- 
j)ation. They were undoubtedly on the eve of decided action. 
But when cotton, from being littje cultivated, became in a few 
years the great staple of the South, the demand for slaves grew 
laro-e and constant, the raising of slaves for the market became the 
most lucrative business in the country, and Virginia and Mai-yland 
found a mine of wealth in an institution, which had long been 
draining their resources.* What room then is there for surprise, 
that public feehng in these States should have undergone an en- 
tire revulsion? And is it not much more reasonable to attribute^ 
this revulsion to new mercenary motives operating in behalf of 
slavery, than to the re-echoing from the North of the very senti- 
ments of Washington, Jefferson, and Kandolph, — of sentiments, 
which for nearly fifty years had found free and fervent utterance 
in the legislature of Virginia ? 

It is often said, that the anti-slavery movement at the North has 
been the cause of many hardships and disabilities to the slaves at 
the South, particularly of the restrictions upon their movements 
and social jratherino-s, and of the laws ao-ainst their beino; tauo-ht 
to read. But we find on examination, that most of these effects 
preceded their alleged cause. The American Anti-Slavery So- 
ciety was formed in December, 1 8-33 ; the New England Society, 
whicli accomplished but little, a year or two sooner. It was not 
till 1834, or 1835, that the recent anti-slavery movement became 
of sufiicient magnitude to attract attention at the South, or to be 
generally regarded at the North as anything more than an ephem- 
eral effort of a few visionary and fanatical philanthropists. But 
the severest of the slave-laws are as old as the constitutions of the 
respective States ; and most of the additional restrictions and dis- 
abilities, as well those affecting the free blacks as the slaves, may 
be traced back to at least ten or twelve jevLis before the forma- 
tion of the American Anti-Slavery Society. The prohibition of 
Sunday and other schools for the education of slaves, we can trace 
back in South Carolina to 1824; and, on looking over Niles's 
llegister for the five or six years next preceding and following 
that date, we find numerous enactments of the same kind in that 
and other Southern States, and very many indications of an anx- 
ious and disturbed state of feeling with reference to the negi'O pop- 
ulation, which we do not find within the last few years, f Possibly 
laws of this character may have been more rigorously executed 

* In 1829, tlie vf\lne of Slaves exported from Virginia, was computed at a 
milium and a half of dollars ; in 1836, at twenty- fmtr millions. See Debates 
in tiie Virginia Convention for 1829, p. 99. Niles' Register, Oct. 8, 1S.36. 

t Niles' Register, April 21, 1821 ; March 15, 1823; Dec. 26, 1829 ; .Jan. 16, 
1830; April 24, 1830, &c. &c. 



54 W 



21 

ftlnec the formation of the American Anti-Slavery Society ; but 
very few such laws have been enacted since that time. The state 
of things, which Nortliern abolitionists have been so freely charg- 
ed with bringing about, existed in full during the interval when 
the North hardly lifted a voice against slavery. With regard to 
the present condition of the slaves, we have unimpeachable testi- 
mony that they are better treated than formerly ; and this is doubt- 
less to be attributed to the influence of public ojnnion at the 
North, even in the partial and distorted forms in which it has 
reached the people of the South. It is said in an article in de- 
fence of slavery in the Southern Ecview, "The fact is notorious, 
that slaves are better treated now than formerly, and that their 
condition is still improving." Gen. Scott, in a letter, in which 
he expresses strong disapprobation of the anti-slavery movement, 
makes the same assertion. So much for the alleged injury to the 
slave from his Northern friends. 

It is also said, that the efforts of Northern abolitionists have 
fanned an insun-ectionary spirit at the South. Against this charge 
there is almnd^nt prima facie evidence, without our looking in- 
to the history of slave insurrections. It is well known that lining 
anti-slavery agents are not suffered to go at large in the Southern 
States. The only effort that can be made, therefore, at the South, 
is by sending anti-slavery books, pamphlets, and newspapers. 
These are indeed sent and circulated in large numbers, not among 
the slaves, (for the slaves cannot read,) but among the masters; 
and, if the slaves are made acquainted with their contents, it must 
])e through the gTatuitous agency of their masters. In point of 
fact, all the great slave rebellions on record took place before the 
formation of the American Anti-vSlavery Society. The writer in 
the Southern Review, already referred to, says, tliat "under no 
circumstances can a servile war ever take place ;" that " in vain 
has the United States mail been infested and burdened with in- 
cendiary documents;" and that " no temptations or artifices can 
seduce the slaves from then allegiance." This Review is pub- 
lished at Charleston, which was the seat in 1823 and 1882 of ex- 
tensive negro insurrections, discovered just on the eve of execu- 
tion. It is well known to many of our readers, that the whole 
population of Cliarleston was, for a long series of years, in a state 
of pei-jDctual alarm and apprehension from the slaves, and that 
vSouth Carolina took the lead in those legislative restrictions, 
which imply a state of dread and consternation. It is truly grat- 
ifying, while anti-slavery principles are so rapidly extending tliem- 
selves at the North, to find descriptions of a state of entire and 
fearless security emanating from the highest literary author- 
ity in that very city and State, in which, prior to the anti- 



22 

slavci^ movement, the most fearful elements of combustion were 
believed to exist. 

Is it farther said, that the anti-slavery movement at the North 
is entirely devoid of influence upon the South ? Not thus do South- 
ern people say. We might fill half a score of pages with unim- 
peachable Southern testimony to the effect of this movement upon 
the Southern mind and heart. Judge Upshur said, in his pros- 
pectus for the estabhshment of the Southern Review : ' ' The de- 
fence of the peculiar institutions of the slave-holding States is the 
great and leading object of the work. That they are in danger, 
it would Ije folly to disguise. A party has arisen in the other 
States, whose object is the overthrow of the relation between mas- 
ter and slave ; and from present appearances it will continue to 
increase till the object it has in view is consummated, unless effi- 
cient measures be taken to arrest further progress." The editor 
of the South Carolina Messenger, in earnestly soliciting subscrip- 
tions for this same work, says : "■ If your institutions are ever to 
be defended, no time is to be lost. Delay, in all cases dangerous, 
would be fatal in this." The North Carolina Watchman says-: 
*' We are inclined to believe there is more abolitionism at the 
South, than piiidence will pennit to be openly avowed." A let- 
ter from the JMaiyville Theological Seminaiy to the editor of the 
Emancipator says : '"At least one half of the students of this the- 
ological institution are decided abolitionists, and are very much 
strengthened by peitismg the publications sent by you." A gen-s 
tleman of Frederick County, Md., wiites: "The anti-slavery 
*3ause is rapidly gaining ground in this section of the country. 
Three years ago, abohtiunist and insui-rectionist were interchange-? 
^ble terms, and an abolition paper a prodigy ; now anti-slavery 
papers are re^d regularly by our most respectable and intelligent 
citizens." Gen. Duff Green writes ; '* We believe that the South 
has nothing to fear from a servile war. We do not beheve that 
the abolitionists intend to excite the slaves to insurrection. We 
believe that we have most to fear from the organized action upon 
the consciences and fears of the slave-holders themselves from the 
insinuation of their dangerous heresies into our schools, our pul- 
pits, and our domestic circles." 

We liave, we tmst, been successful in defendmg the anti-slavery 
organization from some of the grave charges, which have been 
made against it. But it is not by societies alone that the work 
I'Ain 1)0 aocomplislied. They can only sow the seed ; and this 
they have done faitlAdly, diligently, even if not always in good 
temper. It remains for us, citizens, Christians, to supersede 
them, (as every true friend of the cause will be grateful to have 
them superseded,) by adopting, all as Qwo, the great principles, 
^vhich tkaj have cheiished, 



THE SPIRITUAL MIRROR, 

OS, LOOKING-GLASS : 

Exhibiting the Human heart as being either the Temple of God, 
or the habitation of Devils. Exemplified in a series of ten copper- 
plate Engravings. Intended to aid in a better understanding of 
Man's Fallen Natuie. Anciently printed in the French language, 
in which five editions were printed in 1732. Translated into the 
German language, from which it is now translated. By P,etcr 
Bauder. 

"By this the children of God are manifest, and the children of 
the Devil."—! John, 8:10. 

Sixth American Edition. Fifty cents single, four dollars per 
Newburyport ; Published by 

CHARLES WHIPPLE, 













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